On December 5, the White House released the 33-page National Security Strategy, outlining President Donald Trump’s key policy priorities. This document, typically issued once per presidential term, helps guide federal budget allocations and set national policy priorities.
In the 2022 National Security Strategy, the Biden administration emphasized Russia and China—labeling Beijing as “the only competitor capable of reshaping the international order,” while warning that Moscow sought to “disrupt key elements” of global stability.
The new strategy released by the Trump administration, however, outlines plans to maintain a stronger military presence in the Western Hemisphere in order to counter illegal immigration, drug trafficking, and the rise of rival influences in the region.
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The document declares that “border security is a core element of national security” and makes subtle references to China’s efforts to gain influence in America’s “backyard.” It states:
“The United States must maintain a dominant position in the Western Hemisphere as a prerequisite for our security and prosperity—one that allows us to assert influence in the region whenever necessary. Our alliance commitments and foreign assistance must focus on ending external rival influence, from control of military facilities and ports to critical infrastructure and acquisitions of strategic assets.”
The strategy frames these goals as a continuation of the Monroe Doctrine—established in 1823 by President James Monroe—which asserted that the U.S. would not tolerate harmful foreign intervention in the hemisphere.
The National Security Strategy and the accompanying National Defense Strategy were delayed due to internal debates about China. According to two anonymous sources, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent—who is involved in sensitive trade negotiations with Beijing—pushed to soften language related to China. President Trump himself remains cautious regarding U.S.–China relations.
The document notes that the U.S. must make difficult choices in global affairs.
“After the Cold War, foreign-policy elites assumed that America’s permanent dominance worldwide was in our national interest. However, issues in other countries only matter to us if they directly threaten U.S. interests,” it states.
In his introduction, Trump calls the document “a roadmap to ensure that America remains the greatest and most successful nation in human history—and the home of freedom.”
Still, Trump is known for being unpredictable, which makes it difficult to forecast how strictly he will adhere to the strategy. Experts note that unexpected global developments could easily shift his direction.
Nevertheless, the document aligns with many of his second-term actions and the priorities of key advisers—from expanding U.S. military operations in the Western Hemisphere, to tightening immigration controls, strengthening domestic industry, and promoting “Western identity,” including in Europe.
The strategy also highlights “traditional values,” stating that the administration seeks to “restore and revive America’s cultural and mental health” and promote “an America that honors its past and its heroes.” It emphasizes the importance of “strong, traditional families raising healthy children.”
The unusually heavy focus on Latin America, the Caribbean, and neighboring regions marks a sharp contrast with previous administrations, which typically prioritized great-power competition with Russia and China or counterterrorism.
The strategy partly explains the recent surge in U.S. military activities in the Western Hemisphere, including operations targeting suspected drug-smuggling vessels in the Caribbean. It signals that such efforts will not be temporary.
It calls for “appropriately deployed Coast Guard and naval forces to control maritime routes, prevent illegal immigration and other unwanted activities, reduce human and drug trafficking, and secure key transport corridors during crises.”
The document states that the U.S. should strengthen cooperation with Latin American governments, including joint efforts to identify strategic resources—clearly referring to essentials like rare earth materials. It also says the U.S. will work more closely with the private sector to promote “investment and acquisition opportunities” in the region.
Such business-related commitments—though still vague—may appeal to Latin American nations frustrated with past U.S. neglect. However, it is unclear how these promises align with Trump’s tariff policies.
Although the strategy devotes significant attention to China, it avoids direct language about Beijing. While many U.S. lawmakers view China’s growing assertiveness as America’s most serious long-term threat, the document’s language is notably cautious and non-provocative.
It pledges to “rebalance the economic relationship between the U.S. and China, prioritizing reciprocity and fairness to restore American economic independence.”
It further states that trade with China “must be balanced and focused on non-sensitive sectors,” and even calls for “a genuinely mutually beneficial economic relationship” with Beijing.
The strategy underscores preventing conflict in the Indo-Pacific and acknowledges rising tensions—especially between China and U.S. treaty allies like Japan and the Philippines.
“We will maintain our longstanding, publicly declared policy toward Taiwan, meaning the United States does not support any unilateral change to the status quo across the Taiwan Strait,” it states.
This may ease concerns in Taiwan that Trump could reduce U.S. support amid mounting pressure from China.
The document asserts that “reaching a swift ceasefire agreement in Ukraine is a core U.S. interest,” aiming to reduce the risk of broader conflict between Russia and European nations.
Surprisingly, the strategy offers relatively few criticisms of Russia. Instead, its strongest criticisms are directed at America’s European allies. Using subtle wording, it rebukes European efforts to suppress far-right parties, calling such measures political censorship.
“The Trump administration disagrees with European officials who hold unrealistic expectations about the war in Ukraine and who govern from unstable minority coalitions—many of which ignore fundamental democratic principles to suppress opposition,” it states.
The strategy also suggests that ongoing migration could fundamentally alter Europe’s identity in ways that might weaken its alliances with the U.S.
“In the coming decades, some NATO members are likely to become majority non-European societies. This raises the question of whether they will view their global role—and their alliance with the U.S.—in the same way as the original signatories of the NATO Charter,” it warns.
Even so, the administration acknowledges Europe’s economic strengths and the benefits of partnership, stressing that “the U.S. cannot abandon Europe” and that the goal is to “help steer Europe onto a more sustainable trajectory.”
Trump’s first-term National Security Strategy heavily emphasized great-power competition with Russia and China, though the President often undercut it with praise for his personal relationships with Moscow and Beijing’s leaders.
If the new strategy reflects Trump’s true beliefs, it may help guide policy coordination across the U.S. government and among international partners.
Like many Trump-era documents, the strategy dedicates significant space to praising the President, describing him as a “President of Peace” and asserting he is pursuing “unconventional diplomacy.”
The National Security Strategy is the first in a series of major defense and foreign-policy documents the Trump administration plans to release.
However, as history shows, initial presidential visions often change in response to global events—much like President George W. Bush’s post-9/11 shift toward combating extremist groups, or President Biden’s need to revise his China-focused strategy after Russia launched its campaign in Ukraine.