For decades, Washington has poured billions of dollars into Colombia, providing training, equipment, and intelligence to help the country combat powerful drug cartels. These efforts led to major milestones — including the death of infamous drug lord Pablo Escobar in 1993.
Now, however, the alliance appears to be faltering. The U.S. has recently intensified raids on “drug boats” in the Caribbean and the Pacific, prompting harsh exchanges between the two governments.
President Donald Trump went so far as to label his Colombian counterpart Gustavo Petro a “drug lord” for allegedly allowing cartels to operate freely inside the country. He has threatened to cut U.S. aid, while on October 24, Washington imposed financial sanctions on Petro, his wife, son, and several close advisers.
That same day, Secretary of State Marco Rubio reaffirmed the administration’s decision to remove Colombia from the list of U.S. anti-narcotics partners — the first such move in nearly 30 years. Speaking to reporters on October 25, Rubio said the administration was “responding to hostile foreign leadership,” though he praised Colombia’s security forces.
The U.S. military has carried out 13 raids on vessels accused of trafficking drugs, killing at least 57 people in less than two months since the campaign began in Caribbean and Pacific waters.
President Petro denounced the operations as “extrajudicial killings,” saying a Colombian fisherman was among the dead. He also criticized the U.S. buildup of troops, warships, and fighter jets in the Caribbean.
Colombia has become the latest Latin American nation to clash with the Trump administration over anti-drug strategy — following similar disputes with Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro and Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.
Late last month, Rubio announced the revocation of Petro’s U.S. visa after the Colombian leader joined a pro-Palestinian rally in New York and urged U.S. soldiers to disobey Trump’s orders. Petro was attending the UN General Assembly at the time.
“President Petro’s criticism of Trump’s new approach to the drug war has only reinforced Washington’s negative perception of him,” said Ryan Berg, Director of the Americas Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).
Analysts warn that U.S. sanctions against Colombia could destabilize security cooperation, a cornerstone of bilateral relations, and weaken Colombia’s ability to combat armed groups and drug cartels.
According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), the U.S. provided at least $377 million in aid to Colombia in fiscal year 2024, roughly one-third of which went toward anti-narcotics operations and law enforcement.
Colombia serves as a key intelligence hub in the Andean region. In a letter to President Trump last month, Representative Gregory W. Meeks of New York noted that between January 2024 and June 2025, about 85% of intelligence used by U.S. task forces in Key West, Florida, originated from Colombia.
Elizabeth Dickinson, a Bogotá-based analyst with the International Crisis Group, warned that if anti-drug cooperation ends, the U.S. will lose access to vital intelligence and Colombian armed groups will grow stronger.
“The security situation in Colombia is already fragile. The armed forces are struggling to maintain control. Without U.S. support, they won’t be able to fulfill their mission, and the threat could spiral out of control,” she said.
Former President Juan Manuel Santos also cautioned that tensions between Washington and Bogotá could benefit criminal networks.
“When two allies in the war on drugs quarrel, the cartels are the winners,” he said. “As long as the presidents keep trading insults, fighting crime will only get harder.”
Colombian Ambassador to Washington Daniel García-Peña acknowledged the strain between the two leaders but expressed optimism that cooperation on security, economics, and migration could endure.
“I believe our partnership will continue, given the results and mutual benefits it has produced,” he said.
Daniel DePetris, a Latin America analyst at Defense Priorities, suggested that Petro’s term ending next year could help ease tensions.
“Much of the current discord is personal. Trump and Petro are polar opposites politically and ideologically. Once Petro leaves office, I expect the Trump administration’s stance to soften,” DePetris said.
Still, concerns about a potential rupture are growing.
“Colombia has been one of our most reliable partners in the region for decades,” said retired U.S. Admiral James Stavridis.
Since the launch of “Plan Colombia” in 2000, the U.S. has closely supported Colombia’s military and police to curb cocaine production. Supporters in Congress argue that the partnership has helped dismantle transnational criminal organizations and strengthen the rule of law.
Although President Trump has ordered an end to aid, Ambassador García-Peña said no formal changes have yet been implemented and both sides continue intelligence sharing and military coordination — though he noted the U.S. Navy has withheld information about recent anti-smuggling raids.
Sergio Guzmán, Director of Colombia Risk Analysis in Bogotá, suggested that both Trump and Petro are using the confrontation to rally domestic support.
Petro, he said, has sought to build a profile as a regional and global leader on issues like climate change and Palestinian rights. His criticism of Trump appears aimed at portraying himself as a defiant, independent statesman. Trump, meanwhile, is fulfilling a campaign promise to prioritize the war on drugs.
On October 2, the White House formally informed Congress that the U.S. was “engaged in an armed conflict” with drug cartels designated as terrorist organizations. In a social media post in September, Vice President J.D. Vance wrote:
“Eliminating the cartel members poisoning our people is the most legitimate use of our military.”
When asked what President Petro could do to ease tensions, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said at a briefing last week:
“I don’t think we’re seeing any de-escalation from Colombia’s out-of-control leadership. And frankly, President Trump isn’t particularly concerned about that right now.”
“For years, U.S.–Colombia relations transcended personal politics because both nations understood their shared interests,” Dickinson concluded. “But now that understanding is fading — and decades of progress risk being lost.”